'S i seo an dùthaich 's a bheil an cruadal
Gun fhios do'n t-sluagh a tha tigh'nn anall.
Gur h-olc a fhuaras oirnn luchd a' bhuairidh
A rinn le'n tuairisgeul ar toirt ann'.

From all the crowded districts movement to the colonies went forward.

                         Lucille H Campey, in A Very Fine Class of Immigrants writes,
‘It was widespread concerns over the suffering caused by overcrowded ships which mobilised the Highland Society of Edinburgh to campaign for changes in the legislation governing passenger travel by sea.’
It is certainly true that the lobbying of this Society helped bring about the passing of the 1803 Passenger Act but the belief that this was as a result of concern over suffering, unless it was economic suffering to the landlords, is naive in the extreme. Other than the occasional nod to Highland culture, with the publication of a Gaelic dictionary, the Highland Society of Edinburgh was effectively a pressure group of Highland landlords, their factors and their Edinburgh law agents. Prominent among these was MacDonald of Clanranald’s factor Robert Brown. He pushed the view, also promulgated by that other font of benevolence, Lord Macdonald, that emigrants were the victim of unscrupulous emigration agents skilled in the ‘arts of deceit and imposition’. Their opposition to emigration, then, was concealed in a humanitarian cloak but what was the real reason for their opposition?

One of the most surprising things about this war is that it was ruthlessly stamped out by the very people of the eastern part of the province who themselves had been foremost in rebellion against the Stamp Act. and, furthermore, to be leaders against Great Britain in less than five years from the battle of the Alamance. Nor did they appear in the least to be willing to concede justice to their western brethren, until the formation of the state constitution, in 1776, when thirteen, out of the forty-seven sections, of that instrument embodied the reforms sought for by the Regulators.

On March 10, 1771, Governor Tryon apportioned the number of troops for each county which were to march against the insurgents In this allotment fifty each fell to Cumberland, Bladen, and Anson counties. Farquhar Campbell was given a captain’s commission and two commissions in blank for lieutenant and ensign, besides a draft for £150, to be used as bounty money to the enlisted men, and other expenses. As soon as his company was raised, he was ordered to join, as he thought expedient, either the westward or eastward detachment. The date of his orders is April 18, 1771. Captain Campbell had expressed himself as being able to raise the complement. The records do not show whether or not Captain Campbell and his company took an active part.

It cannot be affirmed that the expedition against the Regulators was a popular one. When the militia was called out, there arose trouble in Craven, Dobbs, Johnston, Pitt and Edgecombe counties, with no troops from the Albemarle section. In Bute county where there was a regiment eight hundred strong, when called upon for fifty volunteers, all broke rank, without orders, declaring that they were in sympathy with the Regulators.

The freeholders living near Campbelton on March 13, 1772, petitioned Governor Martin for a change in the charter of their town, alleging that as Campbelton was a trading town persons temporarily residing there voted, and thus the power of election was thrown into their hands, because the property owners were fewer in numbers. They desired "a new Charter impowering all persons, being Freeholders within two miles of the Courthouse of Campbelton or seized of an Estate for their own, or the life of any other person in any dwelling-house (such house having a stone or brick Chimney thereunto belonging and appendent) to elect a Member to represent them in General Assembly. Whereby we humbly conceive that the right of election will be lodged with those who only have right to Claim it and the purposes for which the Charter was granted to encourage Merchants of property to settle there fully answered."

Among the names signed to this petition are those of Neill MacArther, Alexr. MacArther, James McDonald, Benja. McNatt, Ferqd. Campbell, and A. Macline. The charter was granted.

The people of Cumberland county had a care for their own interests, and fully appreciated the value of public buildings. Partly by their efforts, the upper legislative house, on February 24, 1773, passed a bill for laying out a public road from the Dan through the counties of Guilford, Chatham and Cumberland to Campbelton. On the 26th same month, the same house passed a bill for regulating the borough of Campbelton, and erecting public buildings therein, consisting of court house, gaol, pillory and stocks, naming the following persons to be commissioners: Alexander McAlister, Farquhard Campbell, Richard Lyon, Robert Nelson, and Robert Cochran. The same year Cumberland county paid in quit-rents, fines and forfeitures the sum of £206.

In September, 1773, a boy named Reynold McDugal was condemned for murder. His youthful appearance, looking to be but thirteen, though really eighteen years of age, enlisted the sympathy of a great many, who petitioned for clemency, which was granted. To this petition were attached such Highland names as, Angus Camel, Alexr. McKlarty, James McKlarty, Malcolm McBride, Neil McCoulskey, Donald McKeithen, Duncan McKeithen, Gilbert McKeithen, Archibald McKeithen, Daniel Mc-Farther, John McFarther, Daniel Graham, Malcolm Graham, Malcolm McFarland, Murdock Graham, Michael Graham, John McKown, Robert McKown, William McKown, Daniel Campbell, John Campbell, Iver McKay, John McLeod, Alexr. Graham, Evin McMullan, John McDuffie, William McNeil, Andw. McCleland, John McCleland, Wm. McRei, Archd. McCoulsky, James McCoulsky, Chas. McNaughton, Jno. McLason.

The Highland clans were fairly represented, with a preponderance in favor of the McNeils. They still wore their distinctive costume, the plaid, the kilt, and the sporran,—and mingled together, as though they constituted but one family. A change now began to take place and rapidly took on mammoth proportions. The MacDonalds of Raasay and Skye became impatient under coersion and set out in great numbers for North Carolina. Among them was. Allan MacDonald of Kingsborough, and his famous wife, the heroine Flora, who arrived in 1774. Allan MacDonald succeeded to the estate of Kingsburgh in 1772, on the death of his father, but finding it incumbered with debt, and embarrassed in his affairs, he resolved in 1773 to go to North Carolina, and there hoped to mend his fortunes. He settled in Anson county. Although somewhat aged, he had the graceful mein and manly looks of a gallant Highlander. He had jet black hair tied behind, and was a large, stately man, with a steady, sensible countenance. He wore his tartan thrown about him, a large blue bonnet with a knot of black ribbon like a cockade, a brown short coat, a tartan waist-coat with gold buttons and gold button holes, a bluish philabeg, and tartan hose. At once he took precedence among his countrymen, becoming their leader and adviser The Macdonalds, by 1775, were so numerous in Cumberland county as to be called the "Clan Donald," and the insurrection of February, 1776, is still known as the "Insurrection of the Clan MacDonald."

Little did the late comers know or realize the gathering storm. The people of the West Highlands, so remote from the outside world,, could not apprehend the spirit of liberty that was being awakened in the Thirteen Colonies. Or, if they heard of it, the report found no special lodgement. In short, there were but few capable of realizing what the outcome would be. Up to the very breaking out of hostilities the clans poured forth emigrants into North Carolina.

Matters long brewing now began to culminate and evil days grew apace. The ruling powers of England refused to understand the rights of America, and their king rushed headlong into war. The colonists had suffered long and patiently, but when the overt act came they appealed to arms. Long they bore misrule. An English king, of his own whim, or the favoritism of a minister, or the caprice of a woman good or bad, or for money in hand paid, selected the governor, chief justice, secretary, receiver-general, and attorney-general for the province. The governor selected the members of the council, the associate judges, the magistrates, and the sheriffs. The clerks of the county courts and the register of deeds were selected by the clerk of pleas, who having bought his office in England came to North Carolina and peddled out "county rights" at prices ranging from £4 to £40 annual rent per county. Scandalous abuses accumulated, especially under such governors as were usually chosen. The people were still loyal to England, even after the first clash of arms, but the open rupture rapidly prepared them for independence. The open revolt needed only the match. When that was applied, a continent was soon ablaze, controlled by a lofty patriotism.

The steps taken by the leaders of public sentiment in America were prudent and statesmanlike. Continental and Provincial Congresses were created. The first in North Carolina convened at Newbern, August 25, 1774. Cumberland county was represented by Farquhard Campbell and Thomas Rutherford. The Second Congress convened at the same place April 30, 1775. Again the same parties represented Cumberland county, with an additional one for Campbelton in the person of Robert Rowan. At this time the Highlanders were in sympathy with the people of their adopted country. But not all, for on July 3rd, Allan MacDonald of Kingsborough went to Fort Johnson, and concerted with Governor Martin the raising of a battalion of "the good and faithful Highlanders." He fully calculated on the recently settled MacDonalds and MacLeods. All who took part in the Second Congress were not prepared to take or realize the logic of their position, and what would be the final result.

The Highlanders soon became an object of consideration to the leaders on both sides of the controversy. They were numerically strong, increasing in numbers, and their military qualities beyond question. Active efforts were put forth in order to induce them to throw the weight of their decision both to the patriot cause and also to that of the king. Consequently emissaries were sent amongst them. The prevalent impression was that they had a strong inclination towards the royalist cause, and that party took every precaution to cement their loyalty. Even the religious side of their natures was wrought upon.

The Americans early saw the advantage of decisive steps. In a letter from Joseph Hewes, John Penn, and William Hooper, the North Carolina delegates to the Continental Congress, to the members of the Provincial Congress, under date of December 1, 1775, occurs the admission that "in our attention to military preparations we have not lost sight of a means of safety to be effected by the power of the pulpit, reasoning and persuasion. We know the respect which the Regulators and Highlanders entertain for the clergy, they still feel the impressions of a religious education, and truths to them come with irresistible influence from the mouths of their spiritual pastors. * * * The Continental Congress have thought proper to direct us to employ two pious clergymen to make a tour through North Carolina in order to remove the prejudices which the minds of the Regulators and Highlanders may labor under with respect to the justice of the American controversy, and to obviate the religious scruples which Governor Tryon’s heart-rending oath has implanted in their tender consciences We are employed at present in quest of some persons who may be equal to this undertaking "

The Regulators were divided in their sympathies, and it was impossible to find a Gaelic-speaking minister, clothed with authority, to go among the Highlanders. Even if such a personage could have been found, the effort would have been counteracted by the influence of John McLeod, their own minister. His sympathies, though not boldly expressed, were against the interests of the Thirteen Colonies, and on account of his suspicious actions was placed under arrest, but discharged May 11, 1776, by the Provincial Congress, in the following order:

"That the Rev. John McLeod, who was brought to this Congress on suspicion of his having acted inimical to the rights of America, be discharged from his further attendance."
August 23, 1775, the Provincial Congress appointed, from among its members, Archibald Maclaine, Alexander McAlister, Farquhard Campbell, Robert Rowan, Thomas Wade, Alexander McKay, John Ashe, Samuel Spencer, Walter Gibson, William Kennon, and James Hepburn, "a committee to confer with the Gentlemen who have lately arrived from the Highlands in Scotland to settle in this Province, and to explain to them the Nature of our Unhappy Controversy with Great Britain, and to advise and urge them to unite with the other Inhabitants of America in defence of those rights which they derive from God and the Constitution."

No steps appear to have been taken by the Americans to organise the Highianders into military companies, but rather their efforts were to enlist their sympathies. On the other hand, the royal governor, Josiah Martin, took steps towards enrolling them into active British service. In a letter to the earl of Dartmouth, under date of June 30, 1775, Martin declares he "could collect immediately among the emigrants from the Highlands of Scotland, who were settled here, and immoveably attached to His Majesty and His Government, that I am assured by the best authority I may compute at 3000 effective men," and begs permission "to raise a Battalion of a Thousand Highlanders here," and "I would most humbly beg leave to recommend Mr. Allen McDonald of Kingsborough to be Major, and Captain Alexd. McLeod of the Marines now on half pay to be first Captain, who be-sides being men of great worth, and good character, have most extensive influence over the Highlanders here, great part of which are of their own names and familys, and I should flatter myself that His Majesty would be graciously pleased to permit me to nominate some of the Subalterns of such a Battalion, not for pecuniary consideration, but for encouragement to some active and deserving young Highland Gentlemen who might be usefully employed in the speedy raising the proposed Battalion. Indeed I cannot help observing My Lord, that there are three of four Gentlemen of consideration here, of the name of McDonald, and a Lieutenant Alexd. McLean late of the Regiment now on half pay whom I should be happy to see appointed Captains in such a Battalion, being persuaded they would heartily promote and do credit to His Majesty’s Service."

November 12, 1775, the governor further reports to the same that he can assure "your Lordship that the Scots Highlanders here are generally and almost without exception staunch to Government," and that "Captain Alexr. McLeod, a Gentleman from the Highlands of Scotland and late an Officer in the Marines who has been settled in this Province about a year and is one of the Gentlemen I had the honor to recommend to your Lordship to be appointed a Captain in the Battalion of Highlanders, I proposed with his Majesty’s permission to raise here found his way down to me at this place about three weeks ago and I learn from him that he is as well as his father in law, Mr. Allan McDonald, proposed by me for Major of the intended Corps moved by my encouragements have each raised a company of Highlanders since which a Major McDonald who came here some time ago from Boston under the orders from General Gage to raise Highlanders to form a Battalion to be commanded by Lieut Coll. Allan McLean has made them proposals of being appointed Captains in that corps, which they have accepted on the Condition that his Majesty does not approve my proposal of raising a Battallion of Highlanders and reserving to themselves the choice of appointments therein in case it shall meet with his Majesty’s approbation in support of that measure. I shall now only presume to add that the taking away those Gentlemen from this Province will in a great measure if not totally dissolve the union of the Highlanders in it now held together by their influence, that those people in their absence may fall under the guidance of some person not attached like them to Government in this Colony at present but it will ever be maintained by such a regular military force as this established in it that will constantly reunite itself with the utmost facility and consequently may be always maintained upon the most respectable footing."

The year 1775 witnessed the North Carolina patriots very alert. There were committees of safety in the various counties; and the Provincial Congress began its session at Hillsborough August 21st. Cumberland County was represented by Farquhard Campbell, Thomas Rutherford, Alexander McKay, Alexander McAlister and David Smith, Campbelton sent Joseph Hepburn. Among the members of this Congress having distinctly Highland names, the majority of whom doubtless were born in the Highlands, if not all, besides those already mentioned, were John Campbell and John Johnston from Bertie, Samuel Johnston of Chowan, Duncan Lamon of Edgecombe, John McNitt Alexander of Mecklenburg, Kenneth McKinzie of Martin, Jeremiah Frazier or Tyrell, William Graham of Tryon, and Archibald Maclaine of Wilmington. One of the acts of this Congress was to divide the state into military districts, and the appointment of field officers of the Minute Men. For Cumberland county Thomas Rutherford was appointed colonel; Alexander McAlister, lieutenant colonel; Duncan McNeill, first major; Alexander McDonald, second major. One company of Minute Men was to be raised. This Act was passed on September 9th.

As the name of Farquhard Campbell often occurs in connection with the early stages of the Revolution, and quite frequently in the Colonial Records from 1771 to 1776, a brief notice of him may be of some interest. He was a gentleman of wealth, education and influence, and, at first, appeared to be warmly attached to the cause of liberty. As has been noticed he was a member of the Provincial Congress, and evinced much zeal in promoting the popular movement, and, as a visiting member from Cumberland county attended the meeting of the Safety Committee at Wilmington, on July 20, 1776. When Governor Martin abandoned his palace and retreated to Fort Johnston, and thence to an armed ship, it was ascertained that he visited Campbell at his residence. Not long afterwards the governor’s secretary asked the Provincial Congress "to give Sanction and Safe Conduct to the removal of the most valuable Effects of Governor Martin on Board the Man of War and his Coach and Horses to Mr. Farquard Campbell’s." When the request was submitted to that body, Mr. Campbell "expressed a sincere desire that the Coach and Horses should not be sent to his House in Cumberland and is amazed that such a proposal should have been made without his approbation or privity."

On account of his positive disclaimer the Congress, by resolution exonerated him from any improper conduct, and that he had "conducted himself as an honest member of Society and a friend to the American Cause."

He dealt treacherously with the governor as well as with Congress. The former, in a letter to the earl of Dartmouth, October 16, 1775, says:

"I have heard too My Lord with infinitely greater surprise and concern that the Scotch Highlanders on whom I had such firm reliance have declared themselves for neutrality, which I am informed is to be attributed to the influence of a certain Mr. Farquhard Campbell an ignorant man who has been settled from childhood in this Country, is an old Member of the Assembly and has imbibed all the American popular principles and prejudices. By the advice of some of his Countrymen I was induced after the receipt of your Lordship’s letter No. 16 to communicate with this man on the alarming state of the Country and to sound his disposition in case of matters coming to extremity here, and he expressed to me such abhorence of the violences that had been done at Fort Johnston and in other instances and discovered so much jealousy and apprehension of the ill designs of the Leaders in Sedition here, giving me at the same time so strong assurances of his own loyalty and the good dispositions of his Countrymen that I unsuspecting his dissimulation and treachery was led to impart to him the encouragements I was authorized to hold out to his Majesty’s loyal Subjects in this Colony who should stand forth in support of Government which he received with much seeming approbation and repeatedly assured me he would consult with the principles among his Countrymen without whose concurrence he could promise nothing of himself, and would acquaint me with their determinations. From the time of this conversation between us in July I heard nothing of Mr. Campbell until since the late Convention at Hillsborough, where he appeared in the character of a delegate from the County of Cumberland and there, according to my information, unasked and unsolicited and without provocation of any sort was guilty of the base Treachery of promulgating all I had said to him in confidential secrecy, which he had promised sacredly and inviolably to observe, and of the aggravating crime of falsehood in making additions of his own invention and declaring that he had rejected all my propositions."

The governor again refers to him in his letter to the same, dated November 12, 1775:

"From Capt. McLeod, who seems to be a man of observation and intelligence, I gather that the inconsistency of Farquhard Campbell’s conduct * * * has proceeded as much from jealousy of the Superior consequence of this Gentleman and his father in law with the Highlanders here as from any other motive. This schism is to be lamented from whatsoever cause arising, but I have no doubt that I shall be able to reconcile the interests of the parties whenever I have power to act and can meet them together."

Finally he threw off the mask, or else had changed his views, and openly espoused the cause of his country’s enemies. He was seized at his own house, while entertaining a party of royalists, and thrown into Halifax jail: A committee of the Provincial Congress, on April 20, 1776, reported "that Farquhard Campbell disregarding the sacred Obligations he had voluntarily entered into to support the Liberty of America against all usurpations has Traitorously and insiduously endeavored to excite the Inhabitants of this Colony to take arms and levy war in order to assist the avowed enemies thereof. That when a prisoner on his parole of honor he gave intelligence of the force and intention of the American Army under Col. Caswell to the Enemy and advised them in what manner they might elude them."

He was sent, with other prisoners, to Baltimore, and thence, on parole, to Fredericktown, where he behaved "with much resentment and haughtiness." On March 3, 1777, he appealed to Governor Caswell to be permitted to return home, offering to mortgage his estate for his good behavior. Several years after the Revolution he was a member of the Senate of North Carolina.

The stormy days of discussion, excitement, and extensive Preparations for war, in 1775, did not deter the Highlanders in Scotland from seeking a home in America. On October 21st, a body of one hundred and seventy-two Highlanders, including men, women and children arrived in the Cape Fear river, on board the George, and made application for lands near those already located by their relatives. The governor took his usual precautions with them for in a letter to the earl of Dartmouth, dated November 12th, he says:
"On the most solemn assurances of their firm and unalterable loyalty and attachment to the King, and their readiness to lay down their lives in the support and defence of his Majesty’s Government, I was induced to Grant their request on the Terms of their taking such lands in the proportions allowed by his Majesty’s Royal Instructions, and subject to all the conditions prescribed by them whenever grants may be passed in due form, thinking it were advisable to attach these people to Government by granting as matter of favor and courtesy to them what I had not power to prevent than to leave them to possess themselves by violence of the King’s lands, without owing or acknowledging any obligation for them, as it was only the means of securing these People against the seditions of the Rebels, but gaining so much strength to Government that is equally important at this time, without making any concessions injurious to the rights and interests of the Crown, or that it has effectual power to withhold."

In the same letter is the further information that "a ship is this moment arrived from Scotland with upwards of one hundred and thirty Emigrants Men, Women and Children to whom I shall think it proper (after administering the Oath of Allegiance to the Men) to give permission to settle on the vacant lands of the Crown here on the same principles and conditions that I granted that indulgence to the Emigrants lately imported in the ship George."

Many of the emigrants appear to have been seized with the idea that all that was necessary was to land in America, and the avenues of affluence would be opened to them Hence there were those who landed in a distressed condition. Such was the state of the last party that arrived before the Peace of 1783. There was "a Petition from sundry distressed Highianders, lately arrived from Scotland, praying that they might be permitted to go to Cape Fear, in North Carolina, the place where they intended to settle," laid before the Virginia convention then being held at Williamsburgh, December 14, 1775. On the same day the convention gave orders to Colonel Woodford to "take the distressed High-landers, with their families, under his protection, permit them to pass by land unmolested to Carolina, and supply them with such provisions as they may be in immediate want of."

The early days of 1776 saw the culmination of the intrigues with the Scots-Highlanders. The Americans realised that the war party was in the ascendant, and consequently every movement was carefully watched. That the Americans felt bitterly towards them came from the fact that they were not only precipitating themselves into a quarrel of which they were not interested parties, but also exhibited ingratitude to their benefactors. Many of them came to the country not only poor and needy, but in actual distress. They were helped with an open hand, and cared for with kindness and brotherly aid. Then they had not been long in the land, and the trouble so far had been to seek redress. Hence the Americans felt keenly the position taken by the Highlanders. On the other hand the Highlanders had viewed the matter from a different standpoint. They did not realize the craftiness of Governor Martin in compelling them to take the oath of allegiance, and they felt bound by what they considered was a voluntary act, and binding with all the sacredness of religion. They had ever been taught to keep their promises, and a liar was a greater criminal than a thief. Still they had every opportunity afforded them to learn the true status of affairs; independence had not yet been proclaimed; Washington was still besieging Boston, and the Americans continued to petition the British throne for a redress of grievances.

That the action of the Highlanders was ill-advised, at that time, admits of no discussion. They failed to realise the condition of the country and the insuperable difficulties to overcome before making a junction with Sir Henry Clinton. What they expected to gain by their conduct is uncertain, and why they should march away a distance of one hundred miles, and then be transported by ships to a place they knew not where, thus leaving their wives and children to the mercies of those, whom they had offended and driven to arms, made bitter enemies of, must ever remain unfathomable. It shows they were blinded and exhibited the want of even ordinary foresight. It also exhibited the reckless indifference of the responsible parties to the welfare of those they so successfully duped. It is no wonder that although nearly a century and a quarter have elapsed since the Highlanders unsheathed the claymore in the pine forests of North Carolina, not a single person has shown the hardihood to applaud their action. On the other hand, although treated with the utmost charity, their bravery applauded, they have been condemned for their rude precipitancy, besides failing to see the changed condition of affairs, and resenting the injuries they had received from the House of Hanover that had harried their country and hanged their relatives on the murderous gallows-tree. Their course, however, in the end proved advantageous to them; for, after their disastrous defeat, they took an oath to remain peaceable, which the majority kept, and thus prevented them from being harrassed by the Americans, and, as loyal subjects of king George, the English army must respect their rights.
Agents were busily at work among the people preparing them for war. The most important of all was Allan MacDonald of Kingsborough. Early he came under the suspicion of the Committee of Safety at Wilmington. On the very day, July 3, 1775, he was in consultation with Governor Martin, its chairman was directed to write to him "to know from himself respecting the reports that circulate of his having an intention to raise Troops to support the arbitrary measures of the ministry against the Americans in this Colony, and whether he had not made an offer of his services to Governor Martin for that purpose."

The influence of Kingsborough was supplemented by that of Major Donald MacDonald, who was sent direct from the army in Boston. He was then in his sixty-fifth year, had an extended experience in the army He was in the Rising of 1745, and headed many of his own name. He now found many of these former companions who readily listened to his persuasions All the emissaries sent represented they were only visiting their friends and relatives. They were all British officers, in the active service.

Partially in confirmation of the above may be cited a letter from Samuel Johnston of Edenton, dated July 21, 1775, written to the Committee at Wilmington:

"A vessel from New York to this place brought over two officers who left at the Bar to go to New Bern, they are both Highlanders, one named McDonnel the other McCloud. They pretend they are on a visit to some of their countrymen on your river, but I think there is reason to suspect their errand of a base nature. The Committee of this town have wrote to New Bern to have them secured. Should they escape there I hope you will keep a good lookout for them."

"Sir:

I herewith send the bearer, Donald Morrison, by advice of the Commissioners appointed by his Excellency Josiah Martin, and in behalf of the army now under my command, to propose terms to you as friends and countrymen. I must suppose you unacquainted with the Governor’s proclamation, commanding all his Majesty’s loyal subject to repair to the King’s royal standard, else I should have imagined you would ere this have joined the King’s army now engaged in his Majesty’s service. I have therefore thought it proper to intimate to you, that in case you do not, by 12 o’clock to-morrow, join the royal standard, I must consider you as enemies, and take the necessary steps for the support of legal authority.

I beg leave to remind you of his Majesty’s speech to his Parliament, wherein he offers to receive the misled with tenderness and mercy, from motives of humanity. 1 again beg of you to accept the proffered clemency. I make no doubt, but you will show the gentleman sent on this message every possible civilty; and you may depend in return, that all your officers and men, which may fall into our hands shall be treated with an equal degree of respect. I have the honor to be, in behalf of the army, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant,

Don. McDonald.
Head Quarters, Feb. 19, 1776.
His Excellency’s Proclamation is herewith enclosed."

Brigadier General Moore’s answer:

"Sir:
Yours of this day I have received, in answer to which, I must inform you that the terms which you are pleased to say, in behalf of the army under your command, are offered to us as friends and countrymen, are such as neither my duty or inclination will permit me to accept, and which I must presume you too much of an officer to accept of me. You were very right when you supposed me unacquainted with the Governor’s proclamation, but as the terms therein proposed are such as I hold incompatible with the freedom of Americans, it can be no rule of conduct for me. However, should I not hear farther from you before twelve o’clock to-morrow by which time I shall have an opportunity of consulting my officers here, and perhaps Col. Martin, who is in the neighborhood of Cross Creek, you may expect a more particular answer; meantime you. may be assured that the feelings of humanity will induce me to shew that civility to such of your people as may fall into our hands, as I am desirous should be observed towards those of ours, who may be unfortunate enough to fall into yours. I am, Sir, your most obedient and very humble servant,

James Moore.
Camp at Rockfish, Feb. 19, 1776."

General Moore, on the succeeding day sent the following to General MacDonald:

"Sir:
Agreeable to my promise of yesterday, I have consulted the officers under my command respecting your letter, and am happy in finding them unanimous in opinion with me. We consider ourselves engaged in a cause the most glorious and honourable in the world, the defense of the liberties of mankind, in support of which we are determined to hazard everything dear and valuable and in tenderness to the deluded people under your command, permit me, Sir, through you to inform them, before it is too late, of the dangerous and destructive precipice on which they stand, and to remind them of the ungrateful return they are about to make for their favorable reception in this country. If this is not sufficient to recall them to the duty which they owe themselves and their posterity inform them that they are engaged in a cause in which they cannot succeed as not only the whole force of this Country, but that of our neighboring provinces, is exerting and now actually in motion to suppress them, and which much end in their utter destruction. Desirous, however, of avoiding the effusion of human blood, I have thought proper to send you a test recommended by the Continental Congress, which if they will yet subscribe we are willing to receive them as friends and country-men. Should this offer be rejected, I shall consider them as enemies to the constitutional liberties of America, and treat them accordingly.

I cannot conclude without reminding you, Sir, of the oath which you and some of your officers took at Newbern on your arrival to this country, which I imagine you will find is difficult to reconcile to your present conduct. I have no doubt that the bearer, Capt. James Walker, will be treated with proper civilty and respect in your camp.

I am, Sir, your most obedient and very humble servant,

James Moore.
Camp at Rockfish, Feb. 20, 1776."

General MacDonald returned the following reply:

"Sir:
I received your favor by Captain James Walker, and observed your declared sentiments of revolt, hostility and rebel-, lion to the King, and to what I understand to be the constitution of the country. If I am mistaken future consequences must determine; but while I continue in my present sentiment, I shall consider myself embarked in a cause which must, in its consequences, extricate this country from anarchy and licentiousness. I cannot conceive that the Scottish emigrants, to whom I imagine you allude, can be under greater obligations to this country than to the King, under whose gracious and merciful government they alone could have been enabled to visit this western region: And I trust, Sir, it is in the womb of time to say, that they are not that deluded and ungrateful people which you would represent them to be. As a soldier in his Majesty’s service, I must inform you, if you are to learn, that it is my duty to conquer, if I cannot reclaim, all those who may be hardy enough to take up arms against the best of masters, as of Kings. I have the honor to be, in behalf of the army under my command,
Sir, your most obedient servant,

Don. McDonald.
To the Commanding Officer at Rockfish."

MacDonald realized that he was unable to put his threat into execution, for he was informed that the minute-men were gathering in swarms all around him; that Colonel Caswell, at the head of the minute men of Newbern, nearly eight hundred strong, was marching through Duplin county, to effect a junction with Moore, and that his communication with the war ships had been cut off.

Realizing the extremity of his danger, he resolved to avoid an engagement, and leave the army at Rockfish in his rear, and by celerity of movement, and crossing rivers at unsuspected places, to disengage himself from the larger bodies and fall upon the command of Caswell. Before marching he exhorted his men to fidelity expressed bitter scorn for the "base cravens who had deserted the night before," and continued by saying:
"If any amongst you is so faint-hearted as not to serve with the resolution of conquering or dying, this is the time for such to declare themselves."

The speech was answered by a general huzza for the king; but from Cotton’s corps about twenty laid down their arms. He decamped, with his army at midnight, crossed the Cape Fear, sunk his boats, and sent a party fifteen miles in advance to secure the bridge over South river, from Bladen into Hanover, pushing with rapid pace over swollen streams, rough hills, and deep morasses, hotly pursued by General Moore. Perceiving the purpose of the enemy General Moore detached Colonels Lillington and Ashe to reinforce Colonel Caswell, or if that could not be effected, then they were to occupy Widow Moore’s Creek bridge.
Colonel Caswell designing the purpose of MacDonald changed his own course in order to intercept his march. On the 23rd the Highlanders thought to overtake him, and arrayed themselves in the order of battle, with eighty able-bodied men, armed with broad-swords, forming the center of the army; but Colonel Caswell being posted at Corbett’s Ferry could not be reached for want of boats. The royalists were again in extreme danger; but at a point six miles higher up the Black river they succeeded in Crossing in a broad shallow boat while MacLean and Fraser, left with a few men and a drum and a pipe, amused the corps of Caswell.

Colonel Lillington, on the 25th took post on the east side of Moore’s Creek bridge; and on the next day Colonel Caswell reached the west side, threw up a slight embankment, and de stroyed a part of the bridge. A royalist, who had been sent into his camp under pretext of summoning him to return to his allegiance, brought back the information that he had halted on the same side of the river as themselves, and could be assaulted with advantage. Colonel Caswell was not only a good woodman, but also a man of superior ability, and believing he had misled the enemy, marched his column to the east side of the stream, removed the planks from the bridge, and placed his men behind trees and such embankments as could be thrown up during the night. His force now amounted to a thousand men, consisting of the New-bern minute-men, the militia of Craven, Dobbs, Johnston, and:

Wake counties, and the detachment under Colonel Lillington. The men of the Neuse region, their officers wearing silver crescents upon their hats, inscribed with the words, "Liberty or Death," were in front. The situation of General MacDonald was again perilous, for while facing this army, General Moore, with his regulars was close upon his rear.

The royalists, expecting an easy victory, decided upon an immediate attack. General MacDonald was confined to his tent by sickness, and the command devolved upon Major Donald MacLeod, who began the march at one o’clock on the morning of the 27th, but owing to the time lost in passing an intervening morass, it was within an hour of daylight when they reached the west bank of the creek They entered the ground without resistance. See- ing Colonel Caswell was on the opposite side they reduced their
columns and formed their line of battle in the woods. Their rallying cry was, "King George and broadswords," and the signal for attack was three cheers, the drum to beat and the pipes to play.
While it was still dark Major MacLeod, with a party of about forty advanced, and at the bridge was challenged by the sentinel, asking, "Who goes there ?" He answered, "A friend." "A friend to whom ?" "To the king." Upon this the sentinels bent their faces down to the ground. Major MacLeod thinking they might be some of his own command who had crossed the bridge, challenged them in Gaelic; but receiving no reply, fired his own piece, and ordered his party to fire also. All that remained of the bridge were the two logs, which had served for sleepers, permitting only two persons to pass at a time. Donald MacLeod and Captain John Campbell rushed forward and succeeded in getting over. The Highlanders who followed were shot down on the logs and - fell into the muddy stream below. Major MacLeod was mortally wounded, but was seen to rise repeatedly from the ground, waving his sword and encouraging his men to come on, till twentysix balls penetrated his body.

Captain Campbell also was shot dead, and at that moment a party of militia, under Lieutenant Slocum, who had forded the creek and penetrated a swamp on its western bank, fell suddenly upon the rear of the royalists. The loss of their leader and the unexpected attack upon their rear threw them into confusion, when they broke and fled. The battle lasted but ten minutes. The royalists lost seventy killed and wounded, while the patriots had but two wounded, one of whom recovered. The victory was lasting and complete. The Highland power was thoroughly broken. There fell into the hands of the Americans besides eight hundred and fifty prisoners, fifteen hundred rifles, all of them excellent pieces, three hundred and fifty guns and short bags, one hundred and fifty swords and dirks, two medicine chests, immediately from England, one valued at £300 sterling, thirteen wagons with horses, a box of Johannes and English guineas, amounting to about $75,000.

Some of the Highlanders escaped from the battlefield by breaking down their wagons and riding away, three upon a horse. Many who were taken confessed that they were forced and persuaded contrary to their inclinations into the service. The soldiers taken were disarmed, and dismissed to their homes.

On the following day General MacDonald and nearly all the chief men were taken prisoners, amongst whom was MacDonald of Kingsborough and his son Alexander. A partial list of those apprehended is given in a report of the Committee of the Provincial Congress, reported April 20th and May 10th on the guilt of the Highland and Regulator officers then confined in Halifax gaol, finding the prisoners were of four different classes, viz.:

First, Prisoners who had served in Congress.
Second, Prisoners who had signed Tests or Associations.
Third, Prisoners who had been in arms without such circumstances
Fourth, Prisoners under suspicious circumstances.
The Highlanders coming under the one or the other of these classes are given in the following order:
Farquhard Campbell, Cumberland county.
Alexander McKay, Capt. of 38 men, Cumberland county.
Alexander McDonald (Condrach), Major of a regiment.
Alexander Morrison, Captain of a company of 35 men.
Alexander MacDonald, son of Kingsborough, a volunteer, Anson county.
James MacDonald, Captain of a company of 25 men.
Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 32 men.
John MacDonald, Captain of a company of 40 men.
Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 16 men.
Murdoch McAskell, Captain of a company of 34 men.
Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 16 men.
Angus McDonald, Captain of a company of 30 men.
Neill McArthur, Freeholder of Cross Creek, Captain of a company of 55 men.
Francis Frazier, Adjutant to General MacDonald’s Army John McLeod,. of Cumberland county, Captain of company of 35 men.
John McKinzie, of Cumberland county, Captain of company of 43 men.
Kennith Macdonald, Aid-de-camp to General Macdonald.
Murdoch McLeod, of Anson county, Surgeon to General Macdonald’s Army
Donald McLeod, of Anson county, Lieutenant in Captain Morrison’s Company.
Norman McLeod, of Anson county, Ensign in James McDonald’s company.
John McLeod, of Anson county, Lieutenant in James McDonald’s company.
Laughlin McKinnon, freeholder in Cumberland county, Lieutenant in Col. Rutherford’s corps.
James Munroe, freeholder in Cumberland county, Lieutenant in Capt. McRay’s company.
Donald Morrison, Ensign to Capt. Morrison’s company.
John McLeod, Ensign to Capt. Morrison’s company. -
Archibald McEachern, Bladen county, Lieutenant to Capt. McArthur’s company.
Rory McKinnen, freeholder Anson county, volunteer.
Donald McLeod, freeholder Cumberland county, Master to two Regiments, General McDonald’s Army.
Donald Stuart, Quarter Master to Col. Rutherford’s Regiment.
Allen Macdonald of Kingsborough, freeholder of Anson county, Col. Regiment.
Duncan St. Clair.
Daniel McDaniel, Lieutenant in Seymore York’s company.
Alexander McRaw, freeholder Anson county, Capt. company 47 men.
Kenneth Stuart, Lieutenant Capt Stuart’s company
Collin Mclver, Lieutenant Capt. Leggate’s company.
Alexander Maclaine, Commissary to General Macdonald’s Army.
Angus Campbell, Captain company 30 men.
Alexander Stuart, Captain company 30 men.
Hugh McDonald, Anson county, volunteer.
John McDonald, common soldier.
Daniel Cameron, common soldier.
Daniel McLean, freeholder, Cumberland county, Lieutenant to Angus Campbell’s company.
Malcolm McNeill, recruiting agent for General Macdonald’s Army, accused of using compulsion.
The following is a list of the prisoners sent from North Carolina to Philadelphia, enclosed in a letter of April 22, 1776:
1 His Excellency Donald McDonald Esqr Brigadier General of the Tory Army and Commander in Chief in North Carolina.
2 Colonel Allen McDonald (of Kingsborough) first in Commission of Array and second in Command
3 Alexander McDonald son of Kingsborough
4 Major Alexander McDonald (Condrack)
5 Capt Alexander McRay
6 Capt John Leggate
7 Capt James McDonald
8 Capt Alexr. McLeod
9 Capt Alexr. Morrison
10 Capt John McDonald
11 Capt A1exr. McLeod
12 Capt Murdoch McAskell
13 Capt Alexander McLeod
14 Capt Angus McDonald
15 Capt Neil McArthur
16 Capt James Mens of the light horse.
17 Capt John McLeod
18 Capt Thos. Wier
19 Capt John McKenzie
20 Lieut John Murchison
21 Kennith McDonald, Aid de Camp to Genl McDonald
22 Murdock McLeod, Surgeon
23 Adjutant General John Smith
24 Donald McLeod Quarter Master
25 John Bethune Chaplain
26 Farquhard Campbell late a delegate in the provincial Congress—Spy and Confidential Emissary of Governor Martin."

Some of the prisoners were discharged soon after their arrest, by making and signing the proper oath, of which the following is taken from the Records:

"Oath of Malcolm McNeill and Joseph Smith. We Malcolm McNeil and Joseph Smith do Solemly Swear on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God that we will not on any pretence whatsoever take up or bear Arms against the Inhabitants of the United States of America and that we will not disclose or make known any matters within our knowledge now carrying on within the United States and that we will not carry out more than fifty pounds of Gold & Silver in value to fifty pounds Carolina Currency. So help us God.

Malcolm McNeill,
Joseph Smith.
Halifax, 13th Augt., 1776.

The North Carolina Provincial Congress on March 5, 1776, "Resolved, That Colonel Richard Caswell send, under a sufficient guard, Brigadier General Donald McDonald, taken at the battle of Moore’s Creek Bridge, to the Town of Halifax, and there to have him committed a close prisoner in the jail of the said Town, until further orders."

The same Congress, held in Halifax April 5th, "Resolved, That General McDonald be admitted to his parole upon the following conditions: That he does not go without the limits of the Town of Halifax; that he does not directly or indirectly, while a prisoner, correspond with any person or persons who are or may be in opposition to American measures, or by any manner or means convey to them intelligence of any sort; that he take no draft, nor procure them to be taken by any one else, of any place or places in which he may be, while upon his parole, that shall now or may hereafter give information to our enemies which can injurious to us, or the common cause of America; but that without equivocation, mental evasion, or secret reservation, he pay the most exact and faithful attention to the intent and meaning of these conditions, according to the rules and regulations of war; and that he every day appear between the hours of ten and twelve o’clock to the Officer of the Guard."

On April 11th, the same parole was offered to Allan MacDonald of Kingsborough.
The Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, at its session in Philadelphia, held May 25, 1776, ordered the Highland prisoners, mentioned on page 219, naming each one separately to be "safely kept in close confinement until discharged by the honorable Congress or this Committee." Four days later, General MacDonald addressed a letter to the Continental Congress, in which he said, "That he was, by a party of horsemen, upon the 28th day of February last, taken prisoner from sick quarters, eight miles from Widow Moor’s Creek, where he lay dangerously ill, and carried to Colonel Caswell’s camp, where General Moore then commanded, to whom he delivered his sword as prisoner of war, which General Moore was pleased to deliver back in a genteel manner before all his officers then present, according to the rules and customs of war practised in all nations; assuring him at the same time that he would be well treated, and his baggage and property delivered to him, &c. Having taken leave of General Moore and Colonel Caswell, Lieutenant-Colonel Bryant took him under his care; and after rummaging his baggage for papers, &c., conducted him to Newbern, from thence with his baggage to Halifax, where the Committee of Safety there thought proper to commit him to the common jail; his horses, saddles, and pistols, &c., taken from him, and never having committed any act of violence against the person or property of any man ;that he remained in this jail near a month, until General Howe arrived there, who did him the honour to call upon him in jail; and he has reason to think that General Howe thought this treatment erroneous and without a precedent; that upon this representation to the Convention, General McDonald was, by order of the Convention, permitted, upon parole, to the limits of the town of Halifax, until the 25th of April last, when he was appointed to march, with the other gentlemen prisoners, escorted from the jail there to this place. General McDonald would wish to know what crime he has since been guilty of, deserving his being recommitted to the jail of Philadelphia, without his bedding or baggage, and his sword and his servant detained from him. The other gentlemen prisoners are in great want for their blankets and other necessaries.

Donald McDonald."

The Continental Congress, on September 4th, "Resolved, That the proposal made by General Howe, as delivered by General Sullivan, of exchanging General Sullivan for General Prescot, and Lord Stirling for Brigadier-General, be complied with."

This being communicated to General McDonald he addressed, to the Secretary of War the following:
"Philadelphia Gaol, September 6, 1776.

To the Secretary of War:

General McDonald’s compliments to the Secretary of War. He is obliged to him for his polite information, that the Congress have been pleased to agree that Generals Prescott and McDonald shall be exchanged for the Generals Sullivan and Stirling. General McDonald is obliged to the Congress for the reference to the Board of War for his departure: The indulgence of eight or ten days will, he hopes, be sufficient to prepare him for his journey. His baggage will require a cart to carry it. He is not provided with horses—submits it to the Congress and Board how he may be conducted with safety to his place of destination, not doubting his servant will be permitted to go along with him, and that his sword may be returned to him, which he is informed the Commissary received from his servant on the 25th of May last.

General McDonald begs leave to acquaint the Secretary and the Board of War, for the information of Congress, that when he was brought prisoner from sick quarters to General Moore’s camp, at Moore’s Creek, upon the 28th of February last, General Moore treated him with respect to his rank and commission in the King of Great Britain’s service. He would have given him a parole to return to his sick quarters, as his low state of health required it much at that time, but Colonel Caswell objected thereto, and had him conducted prisoner to Newbern, but gently treated all the way by Colonel Caswell and his officers.

From Newbern he was conducted by a guard of Horse to Halifax, and committed on his arrival, after forty-five miles journey the last day, in a sickly state of health, and immediately ushered into a common gaol, without bed or bedding, fire or candles, in a cold, long night, by Colonel Long, who did not appear to me to behave like a gentleman. That notwithstanding the promised protection for person and property he had from General Moore, a man called Longfield Cox, a wagonmaster to Colonel Caswell’s army, seized upon his horse, saddle, pistols, and other arms, and violently detained the same by refusing to deliver them up to Colonel Bryan, who conducted him to Newbern. Colonel Long was pleased to detain his mare at Halifax when sent prisoner from thence to here. Sorry to dwell so long upon so disagreeable a subject."

This letter was submitted to the Continental Congress on September 7th, when it "Resolved, That he be allowed four days to prepare for his journey; That a copy of that part of his Letter respecting his treatment in North Carolina, be sent to the Convention of that State."

Notwithstanding General Sir William Howe had agreed to make the specified exchange of prisoners, yet in a letter addressed to Washington, September 21, 1776, he states:

"The exchange you propose of Brigadier-General Alexander, commonly called Lord Stirling, for Mr. McDonald, cannot take place, as he has only the rank of Major by my commission; but I shall readily send any Major in the enclosed list of prisoners that you will be pleased to name in exchange for him."

As Sir William Howe refused to recognize the rank conferred on General McDonald, by the governor of North Carolina, Washington was forced, September 23, to order his return, with the escort, to Philadelphia. But on the same day addressed Sir William Howe, in which he said:

"I had no doubt but Mr. McDonald’s title would have been acknowledged, having understood that he received his commission from the hands of Governor Martin; nor can I consent to rank him as a Major till I have proper authority from Congress, to whom I shall state the matter upon your representation." That body, on September 3oth, declared "That Mr. McDonald, having a Commission of Brigadier-General from Governor Martin, be not exchanged for any officer under the rank of Brigadier-General in the service either of the United States or any of them."

On the way from North Carolina to Philadelphia, while resting at Petersburg May 2, 1776, Kingsborough indited the fololwing letter:

"Sir:
Your kind favor I had by Mr. Ugin (?) with the Virginia money enclosed, which shall be paid if ever I retourn with thanks, if not I shall take to order payment. Colonel Eliot who came here to receive the prisoners Confined the General and me under a guard and sentries to a Roome; this he imputes to the Congress of North Carolina not getting Brigadier Lewes (who commands at Williamsburg) know of our being on parole by your permission when at Halifax. If any opportunity afford, it would add to our happiness to write something to the above purpose to some of the Congress here with directions (if such can be done) to forward said orders after us. I have also been depressed of the horse I held, and hath little chance of getting another. To walk on foot is what I never can do the length of Philadelphia. What you can do in the above different affairs will be adding to your former favors. Hoping you will pardon freedom wrote in a hurry. I am with real Esteem and respect
Honble Sir,

Your very obedt. Servt.
Allen MacDonald."*

June 28, 1776 Allen MacDonald of. Kingsborough, was permitted, after signing a parole and word of honor to go to Reading, in Berks county. At the same time the Committee of Safety

"Resolved, That such Prisoners from North Carolina as choose, may be permitted to write to their friends there; such letters to be inspected by this Committee; and the Jailer is to take care that all the paper delivered in to the Prisoners, be used in such Letters, or returned him."

The action of the Committee of Safety was approved by the. Continental Congress on July 9th by directing Kingsborough to be released on parole ; and on the 15th, his son Alexander was released on parole and allowed to reside with him.

Every attempt to exchange the prisoners was made on the part of the Americans, and as they appear to have been so unfortunate as to have no one to intercede for them among British officers, Kingsborough was permitted to go to New York and effect his own exchange, which he succeeded in doing during the month of November, 1777, and then proceeded to Halifax, Nova Scotia.

The Highland officers confined in prison became restive, and on October 31, 1776, presented a memorial, addressed to the North Carolina members of the Continental Congress, which at once met with the approval of William Hooper:

"Gentlemen: After a long separation of eight months from our Families & Friends, We the under subscribers, Prisoners of war from North Carolina now in Philadelphia Prison, think ourselves justifiable at this period in applying to your Honours for permission to return to our Families; which indulgence we will promise on the Faith & honour of gentlemen not to abuse, by interfering in the present disputes, or aiding or assisting your enemies by word, writing, or action.

This request we have already laid before Congress who are willing to grant it, provided they shall have your approbation.

Hoping therefore, that you have no particular intention to distress us more than others whom you have treated with Indulgence, we flatter ourselves that your determinations will prove no obstruction to our Enlargement on the above terms; and have transmitted to you the enclosed Copy of the Resolve of Congress in our favor, which if you countenance; it will meet with the warmest acknowledgement of Gentn.
Your most obedt. humble Servts.,

Alexander Morison, Ferqd. Campbell, Alexr. Macleod, Alexr. McKay, James Macdonald, John McDonald, Murdoch Macleod, John Murchison, John Bethune, Neill McArthur, John Smith, Murdo MacCaskill, John McLeod, Alexr. McDonald, Angus McDonald, John Ligett."

It was fully apparent to the Americans that so long as the leaders were prisoners there was no danger of another uprising among the Highlanders. This was fully tested by earl Cornwallis, who, after the battle of Guilford Courthouse, retreated towards the seaboard, stopping on the way at Cross Creek hoping then to gain recruits from the Highlanders, but very few of whom responded to his call. In a letter addressed to Sir Henry Clinton, dated from his camp near Wilmington, April Jo, 1781, he. says:

"On my arrival there (Cross Creek), I found, to my great mortification, and contrary to all former accounts, that it was impossible to procure any considerable quantity of provisions, and that there was not four days’ forage within twenty miles. The navigation of Cape Fear, with the hopes of which I had been flattered was totally impracticable, the distance from Wilmington by water being one hundred and fifty miles, the breadth of the river seldom exceeding one hundred yards, the banks generally high, and the inhabitants on each side almost universally hostile. Under these circumstances I determined to move immediately to Wilmington. By this measure the Highlanders have not had so much time as the people of the upper country, to prove the sincerity of their former professions of friendship. But, though appearances are rather more favorable among them, I confess they are not equal to my expectations."

The Americans did not rest matters simply by confining the officers, but every precaution was taken to overawe them, not only by their parole, which nearly all implicitly obeyed, but also by armed force, for some militia was at once stationed at Cross Creek, which remained there until the Provincial Congress, on November 21, 1776, ordered it discharged. General Charles Lee, who had taken charge of the Southern Department, on June 6, 1776, ordered Brigadier-General Lewis to take "as large a body of the regulars as can possibly be spared to march to Cross Creek, in North Carolina."

Notwithstanding the fact that many of the Highlanders who had been in the battle of Moore’s Creek Bridge afterwards engaged in the service with the Americans, the community was regarded with suspicion, and that not without some cause. On July 28, 1777 it was reported that there were movements among the royalists that caused the patriots to be in arms and watch the Highlanders at Cross Creek. On August 3rd it was again reported that there were a hundred in arms with others coming.

As might be anticipated the poor Highianders also were subjected to fear and oppression. They remained at heart, true to their first love. In June, 1776, a report was circulated among them that a company of light horse was coming into the settlement and every one thought he was the man wanted, and hence all hurried to the swamps and other fastnesses in the forest.

From the poor Highland women, who had lost father, husband, brother in battle, or whose menfolk were imprisoned in the gaol at Halifax, there arose such a wail of distress as to call forth the attention of the Provincial Congress, which at once put forth a proclamation, and ordered it translated into the "Erse tongue," in which it was declared that they "warred not with those helpless females, but sympathized with them in their sorrow," and recommended them to the compassion of all, and to the "bounty of those who had aught to spare from their necessities."

One of the remarkable things, and one which cannot be accounted for, is, that although the North Carolina Highland emigrants were deeply religious, yet no clergyman accompanied them to the shores of America, until 1770, when Reverend John McLeod came direct from Scotland and ministered to them for some time; and they were entirely without a minister prior to I757 when Reverend James Campbell commenced to preach for them, and continued in active work until 1770. He was the first ordained minister who took up his abode among the Presbyterian settlements in North Carolina. He pursued his labors among the outspreading neighborhoods in what are now Cumberland and Robeson counties. This worthy man was born in Campbelton, on the peninsula of Kintyre, in Argyleshire, Scotland. Of his early history but little is known, and by far too little of his pioneer labors has been preserved. About the year 1730 he emigrated to America, landing at Philadelphia. His attention having been turned to his countrymen on the Cape Fear, he removed to North Carolina, and took up his residence on the left bank of the above river, a few miles north of Cross Creek. He died in 1781. His preaching was in harmony with the tenets of his people, being presbyterian. He had three regular congregations on the Sabbath, besides irregular Preaching, as occasion demanded. For some ten years he Preached on the southwest side of the river at a place called "Roger's meeting-house.’ Here Hector McNeill ("Bluff Hector") and Alexander McAlister acted as elders. About 1758 he began to preach at the "Barbacue Church,"—the building not erected until about the year 1765. It was at this church where Flora MacDonald worshipped. The first elders of this church were Gilbert Clark, Duncan Buie, Archibald Buie, and Donald Cameron.

Another of the preaching stations was at a place now known as "Long Street." The building was erected about 1766. The first elders were Malcolm Smith, Archibald McKay and Archibald Ray.

There came, in the same ship, from Scotland, with Reverend John McLeod, a large number of Highland families, all of whom settled upon the upper and lower Little Rivers, in Cumberland county. After several years’ labor, proving himself a man of genuine piety, great worth, and popular eloquence, he left America, with a view of returning to his native land; having never been heard of afterwards, it was thought that he found a watery grave.

With the exception of the Reverend John McLeod, it is not known that Reverend James Campbell had any ministerial brother residing in Cumberland or the adjoining counties, who could assist him in preaching to the Gaels. Although McAden preached in Duplin county, he was unable to render assistance because he was unfamiliar with the language of the Highlanders.

Town Coat of Arms

The Town of Pictou Coat-of Arms was granted by Royal Warrant April 6th in 1980 by the Court of Lord Lyon in Edinburgh, Scotland, as Nova Scotia is legally under the jurisdiction of the Kingdom of Scotland. Being granted a Coat of Arms is referred to as becoming "armigerous" or arms-bearing. The record of the Town of Pictou Armorial Bearings in the Public Register of all Arms and Bearings in Scotland reads:

Videlicet: - Gules, upon a base undy Argent and Azure: an ancient one masted ship in full sail Or, its mast flagged of Scotland, the sail emblazoned of the Arms of Nova Scotia: (Argent, on a saltire Azure an Escutcheon of the Royal Arms of Scotland)and in dexter chief a mullet Or; Above the Shield is placed a coronet appropriate to a township: - Argent, embattled and of two towers all Argent port and windows  Azure; and is Escrol below the same this Motto: "As Constant as the Northern Star" by demonstration of which Ensigns Armorail the said town is, amongst all Nobles and in All Places of Honour, to be taken, numbered, accounted and received as an incorporation Noble in the Nobelese of Scotland". 

In 1988 the Governor General of Canada was authorized to assume Royal Prerogative of granting arms and the Canadian Heraldic Authority was founded. In May 2005 the Town of Pictou Coat-of-Arms was also registered with the Canadian Heraldic Authority and is included in the Public Register of Arms, Flags and Badges of Canada, which can be found online at www.gg.ca.  

The Arms were designed by R. Mingo Sweeney, a resident of Pictou, and long-time members of the Heraldry Society of Canada, and assisted by the Heralds of the Court of the Lord Lyon, Edinburgh, Scotland. The symbolism of the Armorial Bearings of the Town of Pictou is depicted in the following summary

Arms:  The classic ship refers to Pictou's heritage of the sea, from which came its original settlers and founders. The flag of Nova Scotia forms the ship's sail. From its mast flies the cross of St. Andrew, the national flag of Scotland, in recognition of Pictou as the first home of the Highland Scots who came to Nova Scotia aboard the Hector in 1773, and who established the Town as the Birthplace of New Scotland. The shield is red, denoting courage and sacrifice, and the "star of the sea" is the guide that brings the ship into a safe harbour. The arms are surmounted by a "mural crown" indicating that Pictou is an incorporated township, and is classified as "Noble" in the Noblese of Scotland. 

Motto: "As constant as the northern star"

 John Polson and Christina Ross
John Polson was born at Marrel, near Helmsdale, in the parish of Loth, Sutherland, Scotland. Christina Ross was born in West Helmsdale. She became John's wife in 1867, 12,000 miles away in New Zealand.
The crumbled remains of the Marrel Cottage, near Helmsdale, and Polson's Hut, at Morven Hills on the Lindis Pass in New Zealand, are similar small stone homes and both are surrounded with local history. They share one identical place name, Morven Hills

John's grandfather, Murdock Polson married Catherine Sutherland around 1800 and settled at Marrel prior to 1803. Any further information about where either were born or raised has not been found. Murdock was a crofter and occupied about two acres of stony ground on the south side of the Helmsdale River. Murdoch and Catherine Polson had two children:- James Polson born in summer on 23 July 1803 at Marrel. Alexander Polson born 10 October 1805 at Marrel. The younger brother, Alexander Polson lived in Marrel for all his life and worked as an agriculture labourer. He married Elspeth (Elizabeth) Sutherland at Marrel (?born 1802) on 23 January 1835. Their children were four daughters. Hughina born 27 March 1837 Charlotte born 19 April 1841 Barbara born 10 October 1844 Johan Polson born 1848 In 1868 Alexander had suffered a stroke and the family are recorded as being on the Poor Roll from this date until his death. A little before Alexander's death on 26 July 1886, Hughina went to live at Balloch, which is further up the Kildonan Strath. Elizabeth's date of death is not known. The Parish records for Loth show that in the period 1803 - 1819 there were six Marrel families living in the cluster of buildings that included Murdoch and Catherine Polson. These dates do cover sixteen years so they may not have all been there for the same length of time.

1. Innes McKay (or McCay), Isobel Mitchell and their son George McKay, born 21 July 1803
2. Murdoch Polson and Catherine Sutherland and their two sons James and Alexander
3. John Gunn, Christy (or Cursty) Matheson and their daughter Johanna Gunn, born 30 Oct 1803
4. John McKay
5. John Sutherland
6. David Sutherland
Were John, David and Catherine Sutherland and John and Innes McKay related? Where had they come from? One interesting point to note is the three children all born close together in the summer of 1803 - George McKay, Johanna Gunn and James Polson.
John's father, James Polson, eldest son of Murdock and Catherine Polson married Flora Mackenzie 12th December 1833, at Marrel. James is described as a lotter on his marriage entry, so by this date he probably had inherited the croft from Murdock. As his parents do not appear on the 1841 census for Loth, it could be assumed one or both were deceased by this time.
James and Flora had nine children.
Murdock Polson born 13 April 1835, the eldest. He was tailor by occupation and died unmarried of consumption aged 34.
John Polson born 5 December 1836 at Marrel. He was a cooper by occupation. He married Christina Ross, in New Zealand.
Alexander Polson born 1 August 1838 and died as an infant.
Ann Polson baptised on 1 August 1840 and died of consumption aged 15.
Catherine Polson baptised on 3 July 1841. She received her schooling in Helmsdale, sailed with John on his second voyage to New Zealand, married Murdock Bruce, settled at Seafield near Ashburton, produced 11 children and died aged 81 in 1922.
Janet Polson baptised on 23 January 1843 and died of consumption aged 33.
William Polson born 1848 and died as an infant.
Alexandrina Polson born 1850 and died aged 22 of consumption.
William Polson the youngest son born 1852. His occupation was a labourer and salmon fisher. He fathered seven children and lived until he was about 71. His wife Ann was known affectionately by one and all as Granny Polson and lived a long life at Marrel. There is one description of William Polson to be found in the book `Highland Heroes of the Land Reform Movement' published in 1917.
'In the Marrel district of Helmsdale there is Mr. Wm. Polson. Although quiet and unassuming, he always stands firm as a rock for the land reform cause, never failing to support the men who voice his views'. 21
William may have been involved with the Highland Land League, which was formed in 1883, or a similar cause.
By 1851 Murdock, the eldest son, aged 15 or 16 was away from home learning his trade. John following soon after, finding work in the fishing industry at Wick. He learned the trade of a cooper or barrel maker for the smoked herring trade. Such work was readily available in Helmsdale and at Wick.
The 1861 Census schedules state that James Polson aged 54 was `Head of the household', `crofter of two acres', Flora Polson aged 52, his wife, and their children Murdock Polson unmarried 25, tailor, Catherine Polson 19, Janet Polson 17, Alexandrina Polson 11, William Polson 9 were all living at the Marrel cottage. John's name does not appear on this census for the Marrel residence. He may be the John Polson listed as enumerator for the census at Kildonan, where he was staying with his uncle George McKay; or he was away working at Wick or perhaps already on the high seas for his first voyage to New Zealand.
By the 1881 census only James, Flora, son William, his wife and three children lived at Marrel. Six of the children born to James and Flora had predeceased them by this date. John and Catherine had emigrated to New Zealand in 1864.
James Polson died on July 7 1884 at Marrel. Flora continued living in the cottage with William and Ann and their seven children. In New Zealand, she had another 20 grandchildren she would never see. She died on 21 June 1892.
Christina Ross's father was Roderick Ross. He spent about 25 years in the 93rd Highlander regiment and served in South Africa and at the battle of New Orleans before he was eventually discharged on 20th May 1821 from Kilmainham, Ireland. He took up land in West Helmsdale, perhaps granted by the army. The Ross homestead was called `Rockfield' and Christine Murray still lives there.
On 11th Feb 1827 at Cracaig, about 6-8 miles south of Helmsdale, the adventurous Roderick married Christian McIntosh (Christy). He was aged about 45 at the time of his marriage and described as a lotter. Christian was the daughter of Donald McIntosh and Effy MacAuley.
Christian and Roderick Ross had 6 children:-
Barbara Ross, born 20th Dec 1827 and married Hector McLeod on 4th Nov 1853. Their children were Christina, Donald, Mary, William, another William, Roderick and Elspeth McLeod.
Donald Ross, born 14th June 1829.
Ann Gordon Ross, born 10th Sep 1831.
William Ross, born 21st April 1834 and married Mary Polson on 2nd May 1862 at Kildonan. Their seven children were Angus, Roderick, Donald and David (twins), Marion, Christina, and another Donald Ross.
Christina Ross, born 17th 1938 and married John Polson on 21st May 1867 at Christchurch, New Zealand. Their children were Roderick, William and George, James, Christina, Annie, Catherine, Rose, and John Polson.
Elspeth Ross, chr. 21 Aug 1841 and married Robert Findlay on 12 April 1872 at Kildonan. Their children were Christina and Johanna Findlay. Elspeth brought up her grand son Roddy Findlay, but it is not known to which daughter he was born.
The 1861 Census Schedule for Helmsdale shows:-
Roderick Ross 79 Head of household, Chelsea pensioner 93rd Highers
Christy Ross 63 his wife, born in the parish of Loth,
Ann Ross aged 29, born in the parish of Loth
Christina Ross aged 21, born in the parish of Loth
Elspeth Ross aged 20, born in the parish of Loth
Christina McLeod grand daughter born in the parish of Kildonan.
She was Barbara and Hector McLeod's eldest daughter. There is no mention on this date of Donald Ross, William Ross, or Barbara Ross living at Rockfield. Barbara was already married anyway.
Roderick died at his home in West Helmsdale, 12th April 1863, aged 80. His wife Christina (Christy) lived until she was 80 and died at West Helmsdale on 12th December 1880. She was described as a lotter and widow.

John Polson eventually left Scotland in 1861 or 1862 traveling to New Zealand on `The Canterbury' and arriving at the Port of Lyttelton in 1862. He journeyed on to Port Chalmers, Otago, in the same year. On his arrival he found a mob of sheep whose shepherd had taken ill. The flock of sheep was consigned to Morven Hills in the Lindis Pass region of Central Otago. Although totally inexperienced in shepherding he agreed to conduct the flock to its destination Morven Hills, a hundred and fifty miles away. He had little idea where the Morven Hills Station was situated and taking the chance he set out with the flock of sheep. There was little in the way of roads in 1862, so by walking across brown tussock covered hills and bare mountains and ridges, and by driving the flock across swiftly flowing rivers he reached the Lindis. When he arrived with the sheep, the owner of Morven Hills, Jock McLean, employed him, and John decided to make his future home here.

Sometime in the next twelve months, John returned to Scotland by cattle boat and talked his sister Catherine Polson, his future wife Christina Ross, his cousins Mina and James Mackenzie and possibly others, into joining him in New Zealand. John, Catherine, Mina, James, and a George McLeod Polson left England on 21st Sep 1863 on 'The Canterbury' to sail to New Zealand. Jock McLean, met John at the Port of Lyttelton. John could well have assisted in the hiring of several other passengers who were engaged as shepherds.
Later, on July 15th 1866, Christina Ross also left London for New Zealand on the ship the 'Blue Jacket'.
John and Christina married at Christchurch, on 21st May 1867, seven months after Christina's arrival in N.Z. After their marriage, John and Christina settled at Morven Hills and lived in Polson's Hut and John took on boundary rider duties. The hut was isolated and lonely, but it was their home for the next three years. On a sheep station as large as Morven Hills and with mostly shepherds and boundary-riders employed on it, small stone or corrugated iron cottages such as Polson's Hut were built and were scattered throughout the length of the run for the men to live in. Only traces of these lonely huts remain intact, but Polson's Hut still stands `as solid as the day it was built' and a perfect example of a cottage of this type.

During the winter of 1869 twins were born in Polson's hut to Christina and John. The eldest child Roderick had been born just over a year earlier and was little toddler. The family story records that some weeks before the babies were expected, a crazy drunken man came past the cottage and chased Christina. She ran to Polson's hut for protection, but the whole trauma brought on premature labour. She had no time to prepare for the birth, and with John, managed the birth as best she could. Snow was thick on the ground, and frozen hard, wood was scarce. John Polson took the twins by the fire to keep them warm, while Christina attended to her self. There was no doctor, no nurse, no midwife, and no neighbour. Within a few hours of the birth, one twin died and then, three days later, the other. There was deep snow everywhere so the police, 30 miles away at Cromwell, could not come to verify the deaths. The babes could not be buried because the ground was frozen hard. They had to be kept in the hut and frozen until the ground thawed and they could be properly buried. The grave is over the hillside, in front of Polson's hut. A big willow marks the spot and at the base there is a big stone slab inscribed `1869'. No names. The grave is officially on the list of N.Z. graves. The twins were both sons, named William and George, but seemingly their birth is unregistered. John and Christina had a further six children.

John Polson eventually rose to be Head Shepherd at Morven Hills and he and Christina lived as married couple at the Station House, moving there in 1871. John remained on Morven Hills Station until near 1879 when he purchased the first small farm in an adjoining district at Bendigo He lived in Central Otago for a total of 49 years until his death in May 1910. Christina died in 1894.

I know about my paternal grandmother. I'm quite sure my grandfather was born in Inverness. His father was Alexander and I have a copy of his gravestone that said he was married twice. First to Margaret Scott who died in 1883 and who I believe was my great-grandmother. His second wife was Isobel Fraser who died in 1926. He passed away in 1947, age 88. It also said he was employed as the permanent way inspector in Inverness. His son Donald, my grandfather, eventually went to work for the Singer Co in
Glasgow where my father and his brother grew up. My father came to the U.S. for a visit in 1929 and met my mother (who, by the way, he remembered seeing in Glasgow) so he never got back to Scotland until he was much older.